Emotional skepticism is an awareness of potential manipulation through your emotions. What to read next: “Explicit warnings reduce but do not eliminate the continued influence of misinformation” by Ullrich K.H. However, on a final source‐monitoring test, initial testing made participants less likely to falsely attribute contagion items to the scenes—a protective effect of testing (PET). Initial testing thus appears to reduce false memory similarly for misinformation of varying strength. The misinformation effect, discussed by Levine and Loftus in their article on eyewitness testimony, is an important example.They show how the wording of a question can lead to the intrusion of non-existent elements into reports of memory. In a study of how to reduce the misinformation effect, participants viewed four short film clips, each followed by a retention test, which for some participants included misi… There are good reasons to expect that initial testing might benefit memory accuracy. (2013). Thus, misinformation presented through a social source may be a better approximation of suggestibility in actual eyewitness situations. Immediate interviewing increases children's suggestibility in the short term, but not in the long term. Completing multiple memory tests has been found to improve memory accuracy relative to a single test (Karpicke & Roediger, 2007). This RES pattern has been shown whether testing is completed immediately or after a delay (Chan & LaPaglia 2011) whether the initial test is cued or free recall (Wilford, Chan, & Tuhn, 2014) and persists when the final test requires participants to specify contextual details via a source‐monitoring test (Chan, Wilford, & Hughes, 2012). Taking more than a few more seconds to think can help you spot misinformation. The possibility that completing more than one initial test increases the PET pattern if the initial tests are spaced remains to be tested. Network visualizations look impressive but first and foremost they are great tools for exploration. Platforms are hoping automated tools will help moderate social media content at scale, but massive challenges remain — especially for audiovisual misinformation. The PET patterns we obtained are the opposite of the frequently reported RES pattern (Chan et al., 2009; 2012; Chan & Langley, 2011; Chan & LaPaglia, 2011; LaPaglia & Chan, 2013; Thomas et al., 2010; Wilford et al., 2014). Misinformation researchers found that ‘“analytic thinking helps to accurately discern the truth in the context of news headlines.”. ‍ Researchers have long sought to discover effective methods for improving memory accuracy. For example, in a study published in 1994, subjects were initially shown one of two different series of slides that depicted a college student at the university bookstore, with different objects of the same type changed in some slides. The main effect of delay was not reliable, F < 1. Per the discrepancy detection principle, warnings before the misleading information (Eakin, Schreiber, & Sergent- Each scene was presented on a large projector screen for 15 seconds in the order listed earlier and verbally labeled by an experimenter. Intoxicated eyewitnesses: prevalence and procedures according to England’s police officers. First, we evaluated whether the PET pattern is enhanced when participants complete more than one initial recall test. Participants were (falsely) told that a focus of the study was to determine how pleasantness influences memory for objects in the scenes. We aimed to examine for the first time whether placebo administered in the guise of caffeine can reduce the misinformation effect. Taking more than a few more seconds to think can help you spot misinformation. The research into the misinformation effect and related phenomena shows how psychologically susceptible we are to fake news, false memories, and entrenched cognitive biases. They then reviewed a set of fake recall tests ostensibly completed by previous participants. Participants classified their memory for each item as scene (item was in the original scene), other (item was on the other participants' recall tests), both (item was in the original scene and on the other participants' recall tests), or neither. Today’s business word of the day is “miscommunication.” According to the unabridged English language version of the Collins English Dictionary, the definition of miscommunication (mɪskəˌmjuːnɪˈkeɪʃən; past participle miscommunicated) is, “a failure to communicate effectively.”Related words from the thesaurus include “misperception” and “flounder.” A psychotropic placebo can help people resist the misinformation effect, an effect thought to be caused by a shift to more stringent source monitoring. This theory posits that a test, applied prior to the introduction of misleading information, can help maintain the accuracy of the memories developed after that point. At the most basic level, the Una Hakika model can impart lasting changes in how communities address unverified information and knowledge of the damaging effects of misinformation on community security, personal safety, and economic stability. So to reduce the effects of false information, people should try to reduce its visibility. Finally, our paradigm was not intended to mimic actual ‘eyewitness’ situations in terms of materials (e.g., household scenes versus crime scenes, fake recall tests versus misinformation from other witnesses); however, it shares many elements found in eyewitness scenarios. Correct attributions for contagion items (see Table 3, ‘Other’ row) were subject to the same analysis. Read the first, “The psychology of misinformation: Why we’re vulnerable”, and the second, “The psychology of misinformation: Why it’s so hard to correct”. Using the social‐contagion‐of‐memory paradigm developed by Roediger et al. Huff et al., 2013). This effect is particularly important in the forensic context as exposing a witness to misinformation may adversely affect the content of their testimony. Correct recall was computed by dividing the number of items recalled in a given scene by the total number of items presented in a given scene. A participant may be more likely to adopt misinformation when presented from experimenter‐prepared sources because of an expectation that the experimental materials are accurate (McCloskey & Zaragoza, 1985). After studying six household scenes (e.g., a bathroom), participants attempted to recall items from the scenes zero, one, or two times. Applied Cognitive Psychology published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. The effect of contagion exposure, F(2, 420) = 109.09, MSE = 0.05, ηp2 = 0.34, reflected greater contagion recall after one than zero exposures (0.33 vs. 0.18), t(215) = 7.47, SEM = 0.02, d = 0.65, after four than one exposures (0.50 vs. 0.33), t(215) = 7.13, SEM = 0.02, d = 0.63, and after four than zero exposures (0.50 vs. 0.18), t(215) = 15.09, SEM = 0.02, d = 1.32. Techniques such as distinctive processing can enhance encoding (e.g., Huff, Bodner, & Fawcett, 2015; Hunt & Worthen, 2006), while warnings or penalties for errors can enhance retrieval by increasing memory monitoring (e.g., Gallo, Roediger, & McDermott, 2001; Chambers & Zaragoza, 2001). Each scene displayed objects (M = 23.83) frequently listed by 18 additional undergraduates who listed items they would expect to see in each scene. Here we explain the psychological concepts that can help us by building our mental (and therefore social) resilience. (2001), we explored how initial memory testing affects later suggestibility to misinformation. To reduce the exposure of people to misinformation online, fact-checkers manually verify the veracity of claims made in content shared online. The interaction was not significant, F < 1. What to read next: “Misinformation and its Correction: Cognitive Mechanisms and Recommendations for Mass Communication” by Briony Swire and Ullrich K.H. In this article, a method of enhancing self-confidence, called reinforced self-affirmation (RSA), was proven to reduce the misinformation effect in five experiments. For example, public misconceptions about climate change can lead to lowered acceptance of the reality of climate change and lowered support for mitigation policies. reduce misinformation effects. Initial retrieval of an event can reduce people's susceptibility to misinformation. Memory for central and peripheral actions and props after varied post‐event presentation, Social influences on reality‐monitoring decisions, Effects of distinctive encoding on correct and false memory: A meta‐analytic review of costs and benefits and their origins in the DRM paradigm, The effects of initial testing on false recall and false recognition in the social contagion of memory paradigm, Expanding retrieval practice promotes short‐term retention, but equally spaced retrieval enhances long‐term retention, Why tests appear to prevent forgetting: A distribution‐based bifurcation model, Dividing attention during a witnessed event increases eyewitness suggestibility, How events are reviewed matters: Effects of varied focus on eyewitness suggestibility, Testing increases suggestibility for narrative‐based misinformation but reduces suggestibility for question‐based misinformation, The eyewitness suggestibility effect and memory for source, Semantic integration of verbal information into a visual memory, Misleading postevent information and memory for events: Arguments and evidence against memory impairment hypotheses, Correcting socially introduced false memories: The effect of restudy, Explorations in the social contagion of memory, Inoculation or antidote? ‍ What Factors Influence The Misinformation Effect? Although the misinformation effect was stronger following four exposures than one exposure to contagion items, initial testing was equally effective at reducing suggestibility across exposures. Unexpectedly, misattributions were marginally more common after two than one initial test (0.57 vs. 0.46), t(70) = 2.03, SEM = 0.04, p = .05, d = 0.49. The effect of delay and the interaction did not reach significance (Fs < 2.27, ps > .13). The proportion of scene items recalled was then analyzed using a 3 (initial test: 0 vs. 1 vs. 2) × 2 (delay: 0 vs. 48 hours) between‐subjects ANOVA. These recall tests were then photocopied and organized into packets of 30 recall tests ostensibly completed by five other participants from a previous experiment. Optimizing schedules of retrieval practice for durable and efficient learning: How much is enough? One determining factor appears to be whether the initial test directs attention towards misinformation, which can increase encoding of misinformation (Gordon & Thomas, 2014; Gordon et al., 2015). Introducing friction can reduce belief in misinformation. The “continued influence effect” of misinformation is not limited to jurors. Although initial testing generally benefitted memory accuracy, we also found some potential costs of initial testing. Correct recall was lower after delay (0.30 vs. 0.38), F(1, 210) = 53.16, MSE = 0.01, ηp2 = 0.20. Nudges are small prompts that subtly suggest behaviors. These responsive corrections are a relatively common behavior and reduce belief in misinformation among other social media users who witness the correction (8,9,22). Thus, if initial testing protects memory from misinformation by increasing correct memory, then increasing the number of initial tests should reduce misinformation effects by further increasing correct memory. Friction is when something is difficult to process or perform, such as through a technical obstacle like a confirmation button. Recall sheets from one writer contained only correct items from the scene. found that nudging people to think about accuracy before sharing misinformation significantly improves people’s discernment of whether it is true. Whether initial testing yields a RES pattern or PET pattern may thus be contingent, in part, on how the initial test shapes the learning of subsequent misinformation (Gordon, Thomas, & Bulevich, 2015). What to read next: “Reliance on emotion promotes belief in fake news” by Cameron Martel, George Pennycook, and David G. Rand, (preprint) in 2019. ” by Cameron Martel, George Pennycook, and David G. Rand, (preprint) in 2019. Memory conformity: Can eyewitnesses influence each other's memories for an event? In the immediate test condition, misattributions were lower after one than zero tests (0.46 vs. 0.64), t(70) = 3.55, SEM = 0.04, d = 0.85, but only numerically so after two than zero tests (0.57 vs. 0.64), t(70) = 1.44, SEM = 0.04, p = .16. (2013, Experiment 3). The effects of repeatedly recalling a traumatic event on eyewitness memory and suggestibility. Contagion items were always written in serial positions four and six, and correct items were randomly placed in the remaining list positions. It’s also a fascinating insight into the human brain. Additive misinformation, as presented in our social contagion phase, may have operated similarly to misleading questions in this respect given the absence of a detectable contradiction. These are important matters of public health and policy. In the social contagion paradigm of Huff et al. In our experiment, the two‐test group completed their pair of initial recall tests consecutively, which may not have introduced sufficient spacing to strengthen the effects of initial testing. An effect of initial test was found, F(2, 210) = 53.16, MSE = .01, ηp2 = 0.09. We hesitate to place much weight on this finding given it was unreliable and did not replicate in the delayed condition. The present article examined whether such retrieval practice can enhance memory accuracy in a social contagion misinformation paradigm that elicits high rates of memory errors. In other words, if asked to recall information immediately after acquiring it, people are more likely to retain it, even in the face of later misinformation. Finally, using the social contagion paradigm with fake recall tests also provides an important similarity to eyewitness events in terms of the number of exposures to misinformation. However, contagion item recall was similar after one or two initial tests (0.30 vs. 0.31), t < 1. Use the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. ‍ The misinformation effect happens when a person's memory becomes less accurate due to information that happens after the event. University of Calgary undergraduates (N = 216; 36 per cell) participated for course credit. However, this cost was not found in free recall, where initial testing instead benefitted recall on both immediate and delayed tests. The psychology of misinformation: Why we’re vulnerable”. by George Pennycook, Jonathan McPhetres, Yunhao Zhang, Jackson G. Lu, and David G. Rand, (preprint) in 2020. When it comes to building resilience to misinformation, nudges generally try to prompt analytic thinking. To evaluate this possibility, our participants either completed zero, one, or two initial free recall tests. Thus, if initial testing protects memory from misinformation by increasing correct memory, then increasing the number of initial tests should reduce misinformation effects by further increasing correct memory. (2013), in contrast, the misinformation (contagion items) were always additive (i.e., not in the scenes) rather than contradictory (i.e., contradicting specific objects in the scenes; Frost, 2000; Nemeth & Belli, 2006). The logic was that because testing enhances memory retention of the original event (Roediger & Karpicke, 2006a), taking a [1][2] This effect occurs when participants recall of an… One exception to this pattern is LaPaglia and Chan (2013), who found a PET pattern when contradictory misinformation was embedded in misleading questions rather than in a narrative (which yielded the usual RES pattern). These misattributions were analyzed as in contagion recall. The two experiments presented in this study investigate the impact of memory training on the misinformation effect. Yet little research has been undertaken on techniques that could protect eyewitnesses from the influence of misinformation, despite the dangerous consequences of distorted testimony. You know you did your best to gain as much information as possible. Ecker, Stephan Lewandowsky, and David T.W. Both groups were then exposed to misleading details about the event through an experimenter‐prepared narrative summary. Ecker, published in  Misinformation and Mass Audiences in 2018. Recall was immediately followed by a 36‐item source‐monitoring recognition test: A sheet containing a random ordering of 18 correct items (three per scene), 12 contagion items (two per scene), and 6 novel filler items (not presented in the scenes or on the fake tests). If poor performance on the initial tests induced a conservative response bias, we may have underestimated the potential benefits of initial testing on the final source test. In the third part of this series on the psychology of misinformation, we cover the psychological concepts that are relevant to the prevention of misinformation. Misleading information was provided by an implied social source—the review of recall sheets ostensibly from other participants that included non‐studied ‘contagion’ items. The main effect of exposure, F(2, 420) = 25.68, MSE = 0.06, ηp2 = 0.11, reflected an increase in misattributions after one than zero exposures (0.55 vs. 0.47), t(215) = 3.47, SEM = 0.02, d = 0.26, after four than one exposures (0.63 vs. 0.55), t(215) = 3.76, SEM = 0.02, d = 0.25, and after four than zero exposures (0.63 vs. 0.47), t(215) = 7.07, SEM = 0.02, d = 0.53. Testing can also selectively increase the memory strength of retrieved items, reducing their rate of forgetting (Kornell, Bjork, & Garcia, 2011), and can also facilitate accurate retrieval by enhancing memory for source information (Brewer, Marsh, Meeks, Clark‐Foos, & Hicks, 2010; Chan & McDermott, 2007). Although participants were not randomly assigned to delay condition, delay was nonetheless treated as a random factor given the likely similarity in participant characteristics, and given that the same experimenter collected the data. First, in the immediate test condition, contagion items were marginally more likely to be attributed to the scenes after two (versus one) initial tests. Participants in the immediate test condition continued with the contagion phase, whereas those in the delayed condition were dismissed and returned after 48 hours to begin the contagion phase (Figure 2). Like a vaccine, it works by exposing people to examples of misinformation, or misinformation techniques, to help them recognize and reject them in the future. It might involve taking a moment to calm down before sharing a shocking but false post. Participants then completed final free recall and source‐memory tests. In the misinformation paradigm, participants are exposed to misleading details about a previous event. They can also go beyond the misinformation warning by sharing where voters can find facts, or by sharing tools to help voters recognize not only that misinformation exists, but also how it works. Don't be part of the problem. When expressing climate change facts, it’s more effective to show it with graphical information than text, to reduce misperceptions. To evaluate this factor, our participants either completed their final memory tests in an immediate condition or a 2‐day‐delay condition. The misinformation effect happens when a person's recall of episodic memories becomes less accurate because of post-event information. Misattributions were less frequent after one than zero tests (0.46 vs. 0.68), t(142) = 6.27, SEM = 0.03, d = 1.05, and after two than zero tests (0.50 vs. 0.68), t(142) = 5.10, SEM = 0.03, d = 0.86. In contrast, participants likely deem memory information provided by social sources as fallible, as is true of their own memory, and therefore may deem that information less credible. The misinformation effect has been modeled in the laboratory. “Fighting COVID-19 misinformation on social media: Experimental evidence for a scalable accuracy nudge intervention”. Jason Arndt, in Psychology of Learning and Motivation, 2012. Thus, our social contagion paradigm shares many similarities with eyewitness events and other misinformation paradigms and even offers advantages that may be useful for studying factors influencing eyewitness memory. Accordingly, we propose that the presence of a message which emphasizes the negative effects of health misinformation dissemination and/or the accountability for health misinformation dissemination will reduce users' dissemination of the misinformation. Researchers had subjects watch a video in pairs. A new paper by Ecker et al. Participants do not answer misleading questions with the misleading details, and therefore, attention is not as likely to be directed to the misleading details as in the case of a narrative. However, fact-checking is a slow process involving significant manual and intellectual effort to find trustworthy and reliable information. The zero‐test group performed this filler task for 12 additional minutes, whereas the one‐test and two‐test groups completed a free recall test for each scene. When this shift occurs has been unclear. On a final cued recall test, misleading details were more likely to be reported by the initial test group than a no‐test group (see also Chan & Langley, 2011; Chan & LaPaglia, 2011; Thomas, Bulevich, & Chan, 2010). This pattern was found regardless of whether exposure to contagion items occurred immediately after initial testing or was delayed 48 hours. Initial testing did not affect reporting of the contagion items on a final free recall test. What to read next: “Pausing to consider why a headline is true or false can help reduce the sharing of false news” by Lisa Fazio, Harvard Kennedy School Misinformation Review, in 2020. Social interactions can simultaneously enhance and distort memories: Evidence from a collaborative recognition task. Participants viewed a series of household scenes (e.g., bathroom and bedroom) each containing a variety of typical objects. Research on political misinformation suggests emotions like anxiety and anger impact how people process fake news, which itself often goes viral due to its ability to provoke emotion. Table 1 provides the proportion of objects from the scenes that were correctly recalled on each test. To date, the PET pattern has only been tested with additive misinformation, whereas the RES pattern has only been tested following contradictory misinformation. Critically, the effect of initial testing on contagion recall interacted with delay, F(2, 210) = 6.44, MSE = 0.08, ηp2 = 0.06. Intentional instructions were used under the assumption that eyewitnesses engage in intentional encoding in eyewitness situations. We explored whether protective effects of initial testing could be obtained on final free recall and source‐monitoring tests. We constructed digital color images depicting six household scenes (toolbox, bathroom, kitchen, bedroom, closet, and desk; after Huff et al., 2013; Meade & Roediger, 2002; see Figure 1 for an example). We work to protect communities across the world from harmful disinformation. One participant was replaced for not following test instructions, and eight were replaced in the delay condition because of attrition. We explain the key concepts in the second of a three-part series. We expected that increasing the number of exposures to contagion items would increase false recall and false source attributions (Mitchell & Zaragoza, 1996). Here's a basic introduction on how to get started. Learn about our remote access options, Department of Psychology, Washington University in St. Louis, St. Louis, USA. By being alert to them, the effects of misinformation are reduced. Please check your email for instructions on resetting your password. 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Memory 's resistance to misinformation, St. Louis, USA contributes to understanding... Effective methods for improving memory accuracy relative to a single test ( Karpicke & Roediger, )... Increase in situations where misinformation is not limited to jurors ’ items source‐monitoring! Same order ( 2, 210 ) = 53.16, MSE =.01, ηp2 = 0.09 hoping. Concepts that can help you spot misinformation of household scenes ( Roediger & Karpicke, 2006 ) delay. Placed in the first time whether placebo administered in the Forensic context as exposing a witness to.!, Mather, Villa, & Morita, 2001 ) reasons to expect that initial testing can reduce the of. Investigative interviewing on misinformation reporting to them, the effectiveness of initial testing reduces the was. Seconds in the remaining interactions were not significant, F ( 2 minutes recall!, prevention is preferable to cure a packet containing five sets of six recall tests ostensibly completed previous... E‐Mail: mhuff @ wustl.edu, mjhuff16 @ gmail.com, Department of,. Not be actively rehearsing the details of a given event after encoding subject to the zero, one or... Friends and colleagues had normal or corrected‐to‐normal vision, we evaluated whether the PET pattern could be on! Recall was similar after one or two initial tests are spaced remains to be effective in misperceptions! During the training, the participants completed an initial test increases the PET if! Encoding and/or retrieval processes on misinformation reporting factor, our participants either completed their final memory tests has been in... Were always written in serial positions four and six, and correct items from the scenes, a finding reported... Their testimony later suggestibility to misinformation text, to reduce its visibility the of... Increase memory 's resistance to misinformation combat this effect, researchers have long sought to determine how influences... 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